Archive for the ‘Historical’ Category

http://prisonbooks.info/2012/06/08/what-better-time-than-now-new-piece-on-gang-and-prisoner-unity-published/

NOTES FROM THE EDITOR

The following is a piece written by a prisoner and comrade currently incarcerated in Western North Carolina. Drawn from his personal experiences of prison life and gang membership, as well as from the theoretical and political insights of New Afrikan, anarchist, and/or anti-colonial writers like Lorenzo Komboa Ervin, Russell Maroon Shoatz, Kevin Rashid Johnson, and Frantz Fanon, this piece attempts to answer some burning questions regarding the despair and selfdestruction of the environment in which the author finds himself. In doing so, it opens the door to a number of poignant discussions on topics like the forming of identity through historical consciousness and revolt, the co-optation of such identity through musical and artistic forms, and the role of street gangs in the rebellions of the future.

And we can be sure that such rebellions will come. The widespread labor and hunger strikes which occurred in the last year and half in Georgia and California prisons were one image from this future; a recent riot at an immigrants’ prison in Natchez, MS, which resulted in the death of a guard and prisoners’ holding the facility overnight, is another. On the outside, rage against the shooting of Trayvon Martin, the unbelievably callous execution of Troy Davis, austerity measures and unemployment, and the police murder of Oscar Grant in Oakland also speak of this reality.

All of these “rebellions” were repressed, isolated, or mediated in some way, but they have also managed to successfully communicate themselves to large groups of people, and have lived on through the experiences and relationships of those whose lives they changed. Moreover, the rage we see in the anonymous crowds which form these upheavals is increasingly difficult to manage. Certainly, these surges of activity eventually subside—but the State seems more and more incapable of providing any kind of long term pacification. Gone, it seems, are the days of polite, social democratic reforms. We are met with a combination of hard repression and soft dismissal, ensuring that our next outburst will be even greater as we build on and learn from our experiences.

From Greece to Cairo to Oakland, we see more and more the reflection of entire classes of people left out or made redundant by a shrinking economy to which they are basically useless. Some of these people have been the excluded for generations, while others are the first of their family to encounter a world which will give them no future. Even the Occupy movement, characterized initially by the meek pleas of a newly despondent middle-class, has either shifted to or been overshadowed by this trend of uncontrollable rage by the dispossessed. This isperhaps more obvious or “advanced” in the European theater, with Spain’s general strike on March 29th, or with the constant attacks and social breakdown in Greece, but we see it too in the US, with flash mobs, school and workplace shootings, property destruction and riots, and the renewed focus of the repressive apparatus on “black bloc anarchists.”

Some readers might object to some of these last examples, arguing they have more to do with a self-destructive impulse towards social decay than radical political consciousness. But as this piece points out, there is an intricate relationship, both of conflict as well as identity and growth, between the self-destruction and self-hatred we learn under capitalism and the righteous, “constructive” rage we feel at those who oppress us.1 This may represent a conflict or paradox, but it is one that shapes our movements and our individual selves, and is worthy of our engagement.

Finding a way to create affinities and unities in this context of self-destruction is centrally related to the project of gang truce efforts, and to the larger project of revolutionary struggle amongst the dispossessed. Decrying outright the self-destructive urge, or in this case the gangs that facilitate it, is to miss the point. To take aim at the institutions and systems of thought that oppress us is by definition self-destructive, because these systems have so completely subsumed our identities and relationships as to renderus inseparable. To some extent this explains how the following article can both decry the “glamorization of gangsterism” on one page, and call for the growth, unity, and coherence of gangs as a liberating force, on the next.

As this article points out, the self-destructive subsumption of our current relationships and identities under oppression does not mean we cannot grow beyond the world we live in now, or that we cannot find new ways to establish affinity or identity. But it is a bitter truth we have to face head on, without which we cannot begin to understand the forms of rebellion which increasingly shape our world.

For love and rage in the dirty south, sweet tea

WHAT BETTER TIME THAN NOW?

notes on consciousness and unity in US cities and prisons

“Certainly, the ‘gangs’ have comprised a subculture that has been a thorn in the side of the ruling class, one that either had to be controlled and used – or eradicated.” – Russell Maroon Shoatz

We have come to a point in time where the country we are currently living in is being transformed into a militarized police state, where certain groups are vilified. These groups—under the banner of the “war on terrorism” or “war on gangs” or “war on drugs” – are mainly Muslims, gangs, and other lower-class peoples. Gangs, as I will call them from here on out for better understanding, are within the domestic arena in which the US is waging an all-out open war. There are believed to be over 2 million “gang” members in the US. By sheer numbers, gangs outnumber all of the full time law enforcement officers in this country at 1,021,456.

It is critical to question the original and modern purpose of the existence of gangs. This is due to the drastic increase in their membership and also to understand why law enforcement is relentlessly attempting to eradicate or control gang members.

I must say, being such a member myself, that the vast majority of street nations were founded for the primary purpose of uplifting their communities and people. This led to fighting the police brutality and oppression within their hoods that was aimed directly at people of color. The black and brown nations comprise most of the gang members in this country, and are all from lower-class, poverty-stricken 3rd world colonies in America.

However, this original purpose was decimated by the US government in a divide and conquer strategy, first with the destruction of our leaders in the Black liberation and Civil Rights movements. This ultimately led to “the people being left leaderless, divided and confused,” where people “generally don’t realize they are under constant enemy attack.” Thus, we began to oppress each other, and became each other’s nemeses. There were numerous tricks and gambits used to destroy the more radical and revolutionary elements of the gangs, which I will discuss in detail in this article. This piece is not aimed at or meant to offend any one street tribe, but to criticize all of our street gangs by identifying the clear subterfuge that has occurred, and by rehighlighting our original purpose and the freedom, peace, and justice we strive for. I do ask that all readers approach theories and facts with open minds. We must create and adopt tactics and strategies from the past and present to transform our potential nations into fighting formations for all our people.

You may ask: what does “all our people” have to do with me? This selfish mentality is part of the reason we are in this predicament now. How did we get to this point of self-destruction? How and why do we continue to let this go on? To understand what happened, we must examine some main tricks used to slow down, misdirect, control, and defeat us. There are a colossal amount of questions being asked on this subject and some are yet to be answered. I hope to answer some key questions in the aim to transform our street nations. Education is key to correcting and preventing some issues facing us, and history must be examined to fully understand our place at the present time.

ONLY THE BEGINNING

After the Europeans “discovered” the New World, they began the most macabre era known to mankind. Greed and the desire to rule and conquer every place and thing they laid eyes on willed them to enslave, murder, kidnap, coerce, bribe, deceive, assimilate, rape, segregate, destruct, and obliterate the cultural, spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical well-being of the Natives, Africans, Latinos, Asians, and even other European nations. These vicious acts of sadism led us to the present stage we are at now.

But to fully understand our present stage, we must also recognize the emotional and mental damage that was bequeathed to us from our ancestors—which mostly went uncured. The kidnapping of Africans from the Motherland first required assistance from our African brothers and sisters in power on the African continent. They were blinded by the potential wealth that could come along with satisfying European demands. As this demand for human property increased, wars of Africans vs. Africans increased as well, in an effort to make the soldiers of defeated armies into prisoners of war who would be sold as slaves. Betrayal became rampant. Africans, mainly of lower-class status, were betrayed by their own kind for money and power. Sound familiar?

After the capture of other Africans, the prisoners were sold into slavery and faced a lurid passage ride. On these ships, slaves were stuffed at the bottom decks for days or weeks. They had little food or drink, and were forced to live in their own feces and entertain their captors with shackles on. This, along with other factors, led to the mental anguish and damage of our ancestors which was also never cured. This kind of internal damage, along with the structural repression of KKK terror, lynchings, Black Codes, etc., was a detriment to the Black nation. Different but related histories of exploitation and repression of other groups all contribute to our current state.

Enslavement forced us into foreign lands with a foreign people, language, and culture that was not our own. We adopt this dominant culture to a large extent, though we did manage to invent new cultural forms, and preserve older elements as well.

“Emancipation” led to slaves having to either stay at the plantations they knew, or fend for themselves with no resourcesin a hostile country. After centuries of forced dependency on slave masters for food, shelter, and clothing, we were stuck between a rock and a hard place. Many former slaves were re-enslaved less than a generation later through a variety of legal economic means, including sharecropping, debt slavery, and the emerging convict lease system. Decades after slavery was “abolished,” unpaid black labor continued to be the backbone of industrial capitalist development in large parts of the United States.

In brief summary, we see the deprivation in our main internal conflicts:

-psychological slump due to white supremacy and oppression

-trust issues from betrayal and disloyalty

-dependency issues which encouraged patriarchal relationships and relations of political and economic dependency on the rich

-broken families that often lead to searching for love in all the wrong places, and created a “rolling stone” tradition.

All of these early internal dynamics played into “divide and conquer” strategies discussed later in this piece. The stripping of all dignity, pride, respect, family, love, and affection ultimately led to our present state. This brief history was only the beginning of the road of trials.

“Understanding these tricks, their various guises and refinements, is the key to everything. You will never really understand what happened to get us to this point, or be able to really move forward until you master their recognition and devise ways to defeat them.” -Russell Maroon Shoatz

We must pay critical attention to the loss of pride, dignity, and self-respect which occurred during slavery and after “emancipation” in Black communities. This major deprivation was key and our people sought to regain this by any means. Patterns of domestic abuse and deeper patriarchal trends can also be tied to this, as men who were humiliated in the outside world brought their rage and frustration home with them. This not only led to domestic disputes but fratricidal violence. As comrade Russell Shoatz says, “They became easy to control and are harmless to their controllers.”

Our main purpose for this piece is to illuminate the self-destruction within our street gangs, how to solve these problems and how to maintain that transformation. Note that this can only be shown to nonbangers in a call for their understanding of the street gangs’ original purpose and the problems facing bangers, as well as in a call for their assistance in restoring this original state without the “help” of police, government, or any other institutions that made us the way we are now. I will try to make clear cut points on the blindness not only of my fellow homies, but also the people of our communities who rely on the government to do the job of the community, for example allowing the farce of public schools along with prisons and jails to raise our kids.

A lot of these conflicts have been discussed in Shoatz’ “Liberation or Gangsterism,” Kevin Rashid Johnson’s “Kill Yourself orUnite Yourself,” and in Clarence Taylor’s “21st Century Anti-Recidivist Booklet.” I will be quoting from these articles and more being that they hit directly home with how the gangs are being internally destroyed. The main problems facing our tribes are as follows:
1. Glamorization of Gangsterism
2. Raw Fear
3. Pride and Egotism
4. Historical Amnesia

GLAMORIZATION OF GANGSTERISM

This continues to be the most harmful trick played against the lower-class elements, and men in particular continue to be the most susceptible to this gambit. This tactic was ushered in by the FBI’s Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) in their fight to destroy militant movements (particularly those comprised of Blacks and Hispanics). We must realize that after the destruction of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, I-Wor Kuen, the Young Patriots Party, the American Indian Movement, and the Brown Berets, gangs were separated from the radical ideas and leadership they needed.

Having little or no guidance and teaching from our people, we were taught and raised by the TV, music, reactionary remnants of our militant groups, and of course movies. Hollywood took advantage of not only this opportunity, but also the future crack epidemic that was largely ushered in by the US government:

“The glamorization of gangsterism was something that various ruling class elements had begun to champion and direct towards the Black lower classes, especially after they saw how much attention the black arts movement was able to generate. Indeed, they recognized it could be used to misdirect youthful militancy while still being hugely profitable.”

Shoatz goes on to correctly acknowledge, “They had, in fact, already misdirected Euro-American and other youth with the Bond, I-Spy, secret agent man, and other replacements for the “old west/ cowboys and indians” racist crap, so why not a black counterpart? Thus was born the enormously successful counter-insurgency genre collectively known as blaxsploitation movies; Shaft, Superfly, Foxxy Brown, Black Casear, and their like, accompanied by the wannabe crossovers like Starsky and Hutch with the notorious black snitch Huggie Bear: psychological warfare!”

It was made cool and acceptable to be ultra gangster, which was evident in Huey Newton’s years after his release from prison. The effect was to divert our energies away from freedom fighting to “turf ” and “hood” beef. Fighting over land none of us actually own, competing for the finest clothes, jewelry, women, and money – we began looking for self-worth in all the wrong places. The material trappings drove our gangs into “mental exile,” searching for the missing basic psyche of self-worth. The new trend began to emulate the mafias, the Scarfaces, the Cocaine Cowboys, Ace in Mitch in Paidin Full, Frank Lucas’ Belly. We wanted to be the Boyz in the Hood, a Menace II Society. We failed to capture the moral of the story like John Singleton and Spike Lee tried to relay, that all these gangsta stories end the same way: dead, in prison, or snitching.

It wasn’t just the gangsta movies. Hip Hop plays a major role in our thought process too. As Quest Love states, “Hip Hop was created thanks to the conditions that crack set: easy money but a lot of work, the violence involved, the stories it produced – crack helped birth Hip Hop.”

In the 21st century, Hip Hop has turned into a fuel tank for gangsterism with MCs talking “gangsta” shit that they haven’t even lived—all for money, because it sells. It’s all for show. Artists taking after real gangsters: Rick Ross—name from the real “Freeway” Rick Ross without permission; 50 Cent – taken from Kelvin Martin, the real 50 Cent, without permission. We witness most of our homies listening to “rider” music before they do dirt, or club music that gets somebody “fucked up” in the club, leading to more violence. Look at Gucci Mane, Waka Flocka Flame, Plies and so on.

We even have hip hop artists who make gang banging look like a sport and is just about wearing flags and tattoos everywhere like Lil’ Wayne and Baby. As Maroon recognized, “Hip Hop is daily being co-opted in ways so obvious it needs no explanation.” He continues to correctly acknowledge, once again, something we are blinded to:

“It is fascinatingly simple to understand how the 2nd wave [1980-2005] was tricked and continues to be bamboozled into destroying itself, while just about all of the pillars upholding this giant con-game are familiar to everyone through the movies, TV, street culture, and our own experiences with friends, family, associates, cops, courts, jails, prisons, death, and our own unfulfilled yearnings for respect and dignity.”

Our street gangs went from having meaningful names such as the Bounty “Hunters,” Vice “Lords,” or Latin “Kings and Queens,” to everything pertaining to “gangster.” This new gangsterism, of course, was never shown in those movies fighting the police, the FBI, the CIA, corrupt politicians, CO’s, or any of the big CEO’s who profit from our misery. None of the gangs in the movies listed above mentioned their number one nemesis as the police. This psychological war was waged solely to control our gangs so we wouldn’t become a force to be reckoned with.

You may ask still, what does gangsterism look like?

“The lumpen mentality mirrors—on a smaller scale and with less sophistication– that of the Big Gangsters (the monopoly capitalists): a ruthless drive for immediate self-gratification, power, control, and ‘respect’ (even though their lifestyle is anything but respectable), through deception, corruption, violence, and the intimidation of others. These tendencies are what lies behind certain lumpen aspiring to be seen as ‘crazy’ and unpredictably violent. Lumpen literally means ‘broken.’ The lumpen, of which most gangs are comprised, make their living by illegal or illegitimate means, as petty gangsters, drug dealers, pimps, con-artists, and thieves. They reflect the mentality of the Big Gangsters and feed parasitically off the people.”

As discussed earlier, our history left us in a mental daze that made us vulnerable to the manipulation which we are seeing here. It is thought control, where the ruling class controls what the masses think about daily. Why would we divert our frustration, anger, and pain away from the people causing it? Besides being ignorant to what is going on, I would have to say the answer lies in “raw fear.”

RAW FEAR

“The colonized and oppressed are quick to grab their knife against a neighbor or stranger, thereby in a sub-conscious way ducking their fear of directing their pent up rage at those responsible for their suffering: their colonial oppressors.” – Shoatz

Our raw fear of the “consequences” of fighting the pigs or the system forces us to act in a punk way. It seems we’re scared to be killed or shot or tased, beat with sticks, locked up for life. But this is our life that’s being played with. It’s the same consequences we receive for beating the hell out of each other, shooting and killing each other; it’s almost the same for resisting the system! But the key point here is “getting away:” “If I could do it and get away I would.”

This raw fear was leveled against many black militants during the 60s and 70s, as well as against our OG’s during the 80s and 90s. There is a major difference between the conscious and the unconscious with regards to raw fear. But I must say that all gang members are conscious of their oppression to some degree. Perhaps not in its full scope, but they know who makes their heart beat fast when the see red and blue lights and hear sirens. They know who puts those handcuffs on them and carts them off to jail,; who makes them pay court fees probation restitution, commissary and phone money while in prison. They surely know who watches their hood everyday, who frisks and pats them down and harasses them. It damn sure is not that Crip or Blood or Vice Lord, that Gangsta Disciple or Latin King homie across the street. It’s not the dude who stepped on your shoe at the club or who had sex with your girl. No. It’s the one that rips you away from your seed, takes you away from friends and family, miles away from home. Every homie knows who beat the hell out of Rodney Kind, Emmett Till, Marques Fry, and Martin Luther King, Jr.

But still “we are at each other’s throats to acquire the material objects and prestige denied us by the oppressor, so like rabid cats and dogs we fight and kill each other for the measly crumbs from the oppressors’ table of world wide exploitation of people that look like you and I.” If our frustration was to turn on our common enemy, we wouldn’t have to fight each other. We only do the latter because we’re attempting to hide and divert our ownfear to show the next man’s “softness.”

The worst that can happen, as the enemy sees it, is “If he shows fight, the soldiers fire and he’s a dead man.” But death falls on all men alike. Death is inevitable, but on the contrary, “ If he gives in, he degrades himself and he is no longer a man at all: shame and fear will split up his character and make his inmost self fall to pieces.” We must face the truth, that most of our homies are no longer men. They have indeed degraded themselves.

Don’t let this fool you; it is not death that scares us—we deal with that already in the gangster life. It can’t be prison that scares us, either – that’s one of the main results of the street life. And it can’t be ass-whooping—we get those every week, for everything from school suspension to hood beef. It can’t be court, probation, pig harassment, or the like—we see that more than we do our own kids. What could it truly be, then, that scares us away from confronting the systems that exploit and oppress us? The excuse of “consequences” seems to lack validity. If gangsters don’t like to be lied to, robbed, pimped, manipulated, kidnapped, held at gunpoint, money messed with, family disrespected, and so on, why do we let the government do this day in and day out? It surprises me, still, that our homies will “catch a body” for someone that looks like you and I calling you a “bitch!”

I see it like Comrade Shoatz sees it:
“The big dawgs [the government and capitalists] witnessed a clear example of what was to come by war of the posses that cropped up in the black communities… it’s lower classes’ attempts to throw off the economic and social effects of it’s former slavery and colonial oppression… The big dawgs’ had obvious anxieties about stopping these gunslingers before they got over their mental blocks about using their weapons against the police or the system. They wanted to stop them while they were still hung up on imitating their hollywood or Euro-mafia icons, who made a mantra out of instructing their gunmen not to use their weapons against the police.”

PRIDE AND EGOTISM

Egotism: 1. The tendency to speak or write of oneself excessively or boastfully 2. An inflated sense of one’s own importance and conceit. Pride: 1. a sense of one’s proper dignity or value. 2. Self-respect 3. Arrogance, conceit

Based on the above definitions, these characteristics, pride and egotism, have been the impetus for too many individualistic acts of unnecessary violence. There is unhealthy and healthy pride, which breaks down as neurotic pride vs. healthy pride. “The difference is that…neurotic pride is not based on substantial achievements or qualities within oneself. It is based on the all consuming need to glorify oneself, to raise oneself above one’s real condition and status, not by actual work and achievement, but by imagination.”

You may begin to inquire how does this fit the bill of gangs. As you see in the 9 what better time than now? what better time than now? 10 beginning of our history, women in our communities began to lose respect for us—being that we were quick to abuse them but did not do the same to the White man or police who were oppressing us all. It began a competition between our Black men not only to win women’s respect back, but also that of their peers. Within a context of patriarchy, our mental damage gave way to low self-esteem and self-hatred. “The pride is not the product of some conscious decision, but the end result after years of suffering and emotional-psychological torment form the basic-needs deficit within.” The third definition of pride is the pseudo-solution we seek to cover this absence of selfworth and self-respect.

We began to seek acceptance from others and lose touch with healthy pride, which is the first or second definition. The homies who say they are in no need of filling that missing basic need of selfworth are the unconscious ones who also deny having unhealthy pride. The arrogance and conceit begins to flow so heavily it drives us to reject any humility or concern for the well-being of the others. Within our street gangs, the proud one rejects any significant responsibility, any criticism or any command coming from above the—in particular if it doesn’t come directly from their “big homie.” This breaks up the unity of action and unity of command. These egotistical acts make the gang vulnerable to the simple divide and rule strategies by the common enemy, as it is now.

Big ego prevents humility and eventually prevents the gang from fully uniting for any cause. It also leads to factionalism and individualism which we will discuss later in this piece. Pride and ego “can manifest itself as comrades only wanting to perform easy tasks and not hard ones, or only ‘important’ tasks and not mundane ones, or seeking ‘glamor over obscure work…Some would rather pose with guns that get up early in the morning to feed breakfast to poor children…”

How does this pattern of “pride” come about? As Talib Rasheed stated in his 21st Century Anti-Recidivist Booklet:

“At some earlier point in life the conditions of his or her relationships robbed the individual of self-esteem. This lack of self-esteem undermined the development of self-confidence, which in turn thwarted genuine efforts towards achievement, which denied feelings of self-worth. Eventually, these reinforced one another until self-contempt and self-hatred developed, both of which had to be repressed, and hence the pride system comes to the desperate, artificial rescue.”

The homies need to see that this unhealthy, artificial solution is destroying our street gangs from within. How can you achieve a goal when the leader or higher rank and file gives a much needed order which his or her subordinates deny because their ego is too big? And let’s not get it twisted that this kind of pride and ego exists only in men. Women’s pride and ego can be just as out of control as men’s.

In order to weaken this “pride system” you must “simultaneously decrease the condition of self-hate, otherwise the pride system will simply switch from one compulsive expression to another.” If this isn’t cured then it will do what it’s doing now, not only destroying the person but the entire group or community.

This neurotic pride blocks and clouds our judgment, which is something a leader should never let happen. And the main problem is everyone wants to rush to be the “big dawg” when they’re not quite ready yet. They don’t want to accomplish and master the follower role, the student and the pupil. But this is our pride talking for our conscious mind. Our pride lets us not want to obey higher rank and file because we feel we can do it better. Maybe jealousy and envy plays a role also. That clear definition of “arrogance, conceit” takes over where your self-discipline is supposed to be.

We also seem to have pride issues with settling personal squabbles between so-called leaders. The grown-ups used to teach us it takes the bigger man to squash the beef and walk away. It couldn’t be more true. The search to fill our gangster ego overrides the need to put aside minor conflicts and attack the major conflicts. This exact pride conflict existed with the slaves in the “house” and the field “niggers”–house slaves projected a sense of superiority, but were in fact equally inferior in the eyes of the owners. If this is not cured, it will surely destroy us.

FACTIONALISM

“Approximately 28% of the [FBI’s domestic covert action] efforts were designed to weaken groups by setting members against each other or to separate groups which might otherwise be allies and convert them into mutual enemies. Techniques used included… encouraging hostility up to and including gang warfare between rival groups…” -Church Committee, US Congressional Report: Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, 94th Congress, 2nd Session, Report No. 940755 (1976)

It would be difficult for the unconscious homies to believe these words to be true about the US government, even more so for the passive US citizens of our communities. Even as Comrade Shoatz noted that the glamorization of gangsterism is one of the most harmful tactics, I believe this factionalism is the most detrimental to us internally. Comrade Keven Rashid Johnson detailed this divide and rule strategy perfectly in his text. As we noted earlier, factionalism played a large role in the destruction of slaves communities and Indian’s tribes. The Europeans’ goal was to keep slaves divided because they represented a threat if united. “Groups of slaves from different plantations…would often fight each other over whose ‘owner’ was ‘superior.’” Moreover, “the Indian “removal” and genocide was accomplished in large part by the Europeans playing different Indian nations against one another—the historical equivalent of gang warfare.”

Here, we can clearly point out our enemy. If you think that the government didit decades ago but they won’t do it now, you are sadly mistaken. As part of this strategy, psychological warfare has also been employed. Knowing how the mind will most likely react to certain situations is critical to this strategy. Gangsterism makes one’s reaction almost predictable if an assault is waged on a rival. This was seen in the broken peace treaty between the Bloods and Crips in 1989 and 1994. The 1989 murder of Bobby Lander and the murder of OG Crip Raymond Washington, which was blamed on the Gangster Disciples, are two such examples. Both treaties, it must be noted, were broken due to police instigation with hood cops murdering rivals while dressed as gang members.

New Afrikan Black Panther Party Chairman Shaka Zuzu points out, “Some comrades will inevitably be brought into the Party by their friends and family members, and people will inevitably form close personal friendships within the Party. This is natural and we have no problem with it. It only becomes a problem when favoritism and nepotism start to creep in. This is a manifestation of individualism which can divide and weaken the Party.”

Our homies begin to “let matters slide for the sake of friendship” or because they “hail from the same neighborhood, city, region or county, or who have done time together.” This is what causes cliques to form within the gang as a whole, and this makes it easier to put us against one another. Moreover, it’s not the beef with other gangs that’s the major obstacle we’re facing, it’s the internal conflicts which expose us to the tricks of manipulation and destruction. Yet we are totally blinded to it.

One of the gang members who realized this a little too late is Stanley Tookie Williams. He witnessed, “hood cops, with immunity, commit drive-bys and other lawless acts.” He also knew that it was “common practice for them abduct a Crip or Bounty Hunter and drop him off in hostile territory, and then broadcast it over a loud speaker. The predictable outcome was that the rival was either beaten or killed on the spot, which resulted in a cycle of payback.” Do we follow the psychology here or what? This blatant instigation of gang warfare is the same that occurs today but we’re so caught up in our gangster life that we don’t see it. As Sun-Tzu said, “all warfare is based on deception.”

Even in the prisons, instigation of gang warfare is more prominent. As Rashid observed,

“The 1997 documentary film ‘Maximum Security University’ exposed the ‘gladiator fights’ set up from 1989-1994 between prisoners at California’s Corocan State Prison. Many involved were seriously injured or murdered by rival prisoners or guards, who shot them rifles for fun under the pretext of breaking up the fights they’d arranged….In fact, in 1999, the California DOC officials admitted facilitating and manipulation violence between rival prisoners’ groups allegedly to keep control of the prisons.”

Do we not see the war against us? If not, peep this, Rashid again:
“In response to a prisoner hunger strike at the New Folsom Prison, where prisoners were protesting to receive yard time with prisoners they got along with instead of with rival groups, CDOC Ombudsmen Ken Hurdle refused to negotiate, stating: ‘Then you’d have two groups normally aligned on the yard at the same time. They would only have the staff as their enemy.”

The 2000 issue of California Prison Focus found that riots that happened between 200 rival prisoners earlier in the year were the result of deliberate efforts by the CDOC to foster tension between rival groups.

Homies of all street gangs, this was only 12-13 years ago. Some of us have been banging longer than that, and we should be hip to the game. As a matter of fact, the majority of NC close custody prisons were recently put on lockdown due to gang-fighting and warring. We must consider that this too may have been instigated by STG officers in order to place more control “their” prisoners. I am a firm believe that a large majority of gang violence we see in prisons and on the outside is the result of some kind of police or FBI instigation. Why should I believe anything different? Why should we play into their hands?

HISTORICAL AMNESIA

“Education is our passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to people who prepare for it today.” -Malcolm X

The original Black Panther Party and even the New Afrikan Black Panther Party- Prison Chapter stated words that rang out loud and clear: “We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society.” However, our historical amnesia and failure to educate our homies on our true history stagnates our progression in transforming our gangs into true “nations.”

Currently we are under a full-fledged attack from the government with the “War on Gangs” and its laws. How is this so? Well, let’s take off the blinders for a minute and peep this. The US government has launched a “War on Gangs” where the stated plan is to dismantle gangs as a solution to crime. They say gang members commit the most crime and violence, so dismantling the gangs, would, in the words of one police sergeant, “… help us to allow the lower-income areas, the housing developments, the residents to live a normal life and not be scared to come out at night.” These are the same cops who brutalize and harass our residents, who threaten longer and longer prison sentences which do nothing but transfer the “crime problem” to another place, rather than solve it, and in doing so steal family members and money from our communities. And now they want to help us?

If we look back at history, the evident oppression and brutality against gangs is nothing new—as they even considered the Panthers a gang for a while. The exact same treatment we are facing as gang members is what the militant revolutionaries of the 20th century faced. If we were to delve deeper into history, we would see these same tactics were used to repress slave revolts. In the South, the historical origins of many modern police forces lie in white supremacists being deputized into posses in order to capture escaped slaves, and later to “police” the fault lines of race and poverty after “emancipation.”

So by no coincidence, the present era sees laws being passed such as the Anti-Gang Bill, which is overtly a violation of the 1st amendment right to free assembly (which demonstrates we don’t really have this, anyway!). An article in Wilmington’s Star News reports:

“Police Chiefs from North Carolina’s largest cities, along with prosecutors and city officials, are trying to mobilize support for a bill idling in the State Legislature that supporters say would give cities another weapon in their fight against gangs. The measure would essentially allow prosecutors to seek a restraining order against gang members, barring them from hanging out on “turf,” throwing up gang signs, and whatever else a judge may find appropriate to dismantle the group.”

Pay attention to the end where it states, “a Judge may find appropriate.” It didn’t say, “what the people find appropriate,” that is, the people of those communities. The people don’t decide what happens in their communities. What if the people want us in the community?

Again, this bill would “allow a court…” rather than the people to deal with the situation. And let’s look at the consequences if these stipulations are violated: “Six months in jail and $1,000 fine…!?” This won’t solve the problem of crime, and neither will prohibiting people from wearing red, blue, black, yellow, or any other “gang” color. And how can you bar someone from hanging out in their own neighborhood?

History teaches us that crime is largely a manifestation of socio-economic deficiencies. Crime doesn’t occur simply because people wear different colors. It’s not because of turf. The real root of the problem is a complete lack of economic opportunity and self-determination, because we are broke and don’t have a job and don’t control the land and resources around us, because of a related absence of self-respect and dignity in communities that have been all but systematically annihilated by hundreds of years of slavery, debt servitude, prison, racism, addiction, and brutality. Taking more money that we don’t have will not solve the problem. Throwing us in prison will not solve the problem. “Prisons are only human trashcans for those that society has discarded as worthless.”

History shows that people of color—of which most US gangs are comprised— have always been targets of some unjust actions by the government under banners that scream, “In the Name of the People.”“War on Poverty,” “War on Gangs,” “War on Drugs,” “War on Terrorism…” We can clearly see that the majority of the people worldwide who fit these labels are people of color and poor. If we use history as our guide, then why should we trust a government that is destroying our people?

We are living under a 21st century COINTELPRO, but they no longer need to wage these wars clandestinely. They have things like the Patriot Act, which allows them to frisk, search, and seize without a warrant, put anyone under surveillance and disrupt your privacy at anytime. They pass bills like the Proposition 187, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Responsibility Act, “Operation Gatekeeper,” HR4437, SB1070, and the most recent HB 56. Many of these acts target all Americans, some are more specific. They even had an “Operation Wetback,” which is a blatantly racist vilification of Latin people. Much of this legislation can be directly tied to fear-mongering around issues of gangs of poor black and brown people; by pandering to this fear more and more segments of the “people” enable the government to broaden the scope of repression and incarceration. That such actions are supposedly for the welfare of our own communities makes the pill taste that much more bitter.

The study of history to recover from our “historical amnesia” is not only for our homies. It’s also for the only people who can really help solve the problem of “gangs”- our communities as a whole. Ladies and gentlemen, stop giving these pigs permission to criminalize our young people who have been misled by the glamorization of gangsterism. Our homies must become conscious of our history as oppressed Black, Brown, Red, and Yellow people. We have to know where we’ve been before we can know where we are going. Our problems are manifold and I cannot simplify these problems to make things look sweet. But I do hope to bring to light a few main issues, so we can more forward with them. The people in our communities must “begin to realize that only the community will effectively deal with the matter, not the racist capitalist system, with its repressive police, courts, and prisons. Only we have the psychology and understanding to deal with it; now we must develop the will. No one else cares.

Gangs have existed for decades, and they have been railroading us into prisons at record pace since the 80s. How is gang membership still rising? How is gang violence still at the forefront after decades? Only two answers are possible: 1) The government genuinely tried but failed to solve the problem of crime and violence, or 2) The authorities never intended to fully eliminate these problems in the first place, but rather if anything sought to channel these problems in a politically convenient and profitable way. I strongly believe that the proliferation of prisons must play a part—being that they have to be filled and are big money. In either case, the social system of America does not want to or cannot get to the root of the problem. As Lorenzo Ervin writes, “We have to seriously examine the social institutions: Family, schools, prisons, jobs, etc., that cause us to fuss, fight, rob, and kill each other, rather than the enemy who is causing our misery.”

The root of the problem is that in our present state of “gangs” we all suffer from a kind of historical amnesia, meaning both a disconnection from our past as gangs under the “original” purpose discussed earlier, as well as from our past as oppressed and rebellious peoples. If this disconnection continues, we will become “like zoo lions and elephants, raised in captivity. Never having been taught by other lions and elephants in the wild, they don’t know how to hunt or forage to survive in their natural habitat. They are easy to control and harmless to their controllers.”

Our communities and our homies must wake up and defeat the gang mentality that we have. Our goal is to transform our image of a gang into one of an organization where our people will understand our views and beliefs. Whatever this image is to look like is not for me alone to decide, but for our street gangs and communities as a whole to decide. Since war is being waged on us now, I say it is time to put the petty beef aside and defend ourselves by any means necessary, instead of busting each others’ heads. We must take heed to Comrade George Jackson’s words from more than 40 years ago:

“Settle your quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation, understand that fascism is already here, that there are people already dying who could be saved, that generations more will die or live poor, butchered half-lives if you fail to act. Do what must be done, discover your humanity and love in revolution. Pass on the torch. Join us.”

\Solidarity,
Comrade Robin Hood

For printing: http://prisonbookscollective.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/gangunitytotal.pdf

To contact the author, write to:
Adrian “Hakim” Jordan 1140242
545 Amity Park Rd.
Spruce Pine, NC 28777
c/o Mountain View Prison – 4855

http://vancouver.mediacoop.ca/story/residential-schools-and-my-journey-downtown-eastside/7441

I was 6 years old when I was taken away from my parents and grandparents in Ahousat BC and forced into a residential school. The Department of Indian Affairs came to our reserve every year in the 1950’s, taking Native children away and placing them in residential schools to learn the White way of life.

In residential schools, under the federal policy of “aggressive assimilation”, we were stripped of our language, our culture, and our customs. We had to scrub ourselves clean until we were White.  It is estimated that approximately 150,000 Native children were removed from our communities and forced to attend residential schools, with the last school closing only as recently as 1996.

I was forced to attend the Christie Indian Residential School and then the Mission City St. Mary’s Residential School. I felt like I was in a concentration camp. In these schools, we were punished for speaking our language. Our punishment was being kept in isolation in a dark room for the whole day. Often we would be fed food from the garbage and be forced to drink raw cow milk. We were strapped and beaten until we were too sore to stand.

If we did not get up on time in the mornings, the nuns would drag us across the floor, beat us, and make us go without breakfast. I remember every morning they would wake us up by saying: “You are not on the reserve; you are in White Man’s land. Indians are liars, filthy and good for nothing. You don’t want to live like an Indian.”

When we were silent, they made us talk. But when we talked, they did not like what we had to say and persistently hit us while repeating: “God doesn’t like you talking like that.” We were too scared to do anything. We would often go without food and there would be no activities. At nighttime we would often see the children taken out of their dorm rooms and they would come back crying and bleeding.

I was incredibly lonely in the residential schools. The priests and nuns did not like us making friends with each other. Even brothers and sisters were kept apart and forced to act like strangers with one another. From the time I was placed in residential schools, I did not have a single kind word said to me. No one appreciated me for the individual I was, or the culture I came from. All I remember is being punished for anything and everything. I still have horrible flashbacks. I grew up with a tremendous amount of shame and loss of dignity. I believe that residential schools were prisons for young children.

I managed to get out of residential school earlier than the other children because one day my brother managed to sneak a phone call to my grandparents and told them to come get me. The nuns had beaten me so badly across my head with a stick and a ruler that my ears would not stop bleeding. My grandparents got me out of the school for a special doctor’s visit. The doctor determined that I had permanently lost my hearing in both ears. My grandparents were furious and kept me at home, refusing to send me back to the residential school. When the school called the Indian band office looking for me, my grandparents told the school and the Indian agents that the nuns had given me a severely damaged ear. The officials hung up the phone and did not try forcing me back.

When I was older, I moved to the Downtown Eastside. Almost 60% of Native people and 72% of Native women now live in urban settings with the erosion of the land base of our communities and Indian Act regulations limiting women’s access to housing on the reserves. I, too, drifted here from the Island and found work at a fish plant. Since then, this neighbourhood has become my permanent home.

Like me, most people here carry deep scars. It is hard to describe all the different experiences that women have, for example the history of abuse that has brought many of us here to the DTES, the brutality of child apprehensions that many of us have borne as a direct result of poverty, the fact that many of us do not know our parents because of the legacy of residential schools and colonization has destroyed our families, the chronic and often fatal illnesses such as AIDS and Hepatitis C that break our bodies, the grief of living through the deaths of our missing and murdered sisters, and much more. People who drive by us every day to work have no idea what nightmares we live with. My heart wants to shatter when I hear some of the stories about why people have turned to drugs and alcohol.

The Downtown Eastside is the poorest part of town. Low-income housing in the DTES is of such sub-standard quality that many prefer to sleep on the streets. Problems in the single-room occupancies include: absence of heat, toilets, and running water; presence of mold, bedbug infestations and rats; and illegal practices by landlords including refusal to return damage deposits, entering rooms without permission, and arbitrary evictions.

In the DTES Power of Women Group, we support our people to get proper homes. The government should provide a living wage and a decent home for all people so that we have somewhere to stay and so that no one has to work the street. A lot of our young people are working for drug dealers. Women who owe drug debts have much harm come to them, sometimes even death, like the murder of 22-year old Ashley Machisknic last year. A lot of girls who have to work in the sex-trade are further abused by their clients and their pimps and often don’t get paid.

And then there is the constant harassment on the street by police officers. I have seen officers walk by and kick people while they are passed out or sleeping on the street. Our people are not able to defend themselves against guns and tasers. It hurts me to see people slammed to the pavement by police officers just because they are poor and nobody cares what happens to poor people.

But the hidden truth of the Downtown Eastside is that despite the poverty, criminalization, and trauma, we all care for each other and socialize with one another. Especially in the DTES Power of Women Group, where we are like one family and support the community on issues such as police brutality, child apprehensions, violence against women, and housing. Whether people are sober or high on drugs, we listen to each other’s dreams and desires to make this neighbourhood a better place for ourselves.

Stella August, from the Nuu-chah-nulth Nation, was born in 1945 in Ahousat, BC. She is a long-time resident of the Downtown Eastside. When she joined the DTES Power of Women Group she learnt that as a woman in this neighbourhood, she has a voice and a collective group through which to support her people. She is also a member of the Feb 14th Womens’ memorial march Committee.

http://againstprison.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/broadsheet.pdf

The summer left us in a downpour of repression that sought to bury its discontents
beneath the bureaucracy of courts and behind the walls of prison. The end
of June marked an encounter between radicals, outlaws, rebels, etc, and the G20
police state in Toronto. A series of prison reforms and amendments to the criminal
code led up to that explosive encounter, and continue today. Bureaucrats in
the Correctional Services of Canada (CSC) have begun to lay out their plans for
prison expansions and the development of new super-max model prisons, hoping
to deepen prison’s isolating capabilities with large warehouse-style labour facilities.
As the overcrowding in prisons intensifies with new federal “tough on crime”
legislation, conditions within them lead to explosive outbursts of violence and
unrest. With more and more people finding themselves embraced by the brutalizing
totality of prison, it becomes essential to organize against them: to demystify
the illusion that the people in prison are a threat to our safety, in order to
clarify that prison is the threat and, like the police, does not make our lives safer.
Beginning in April 2007, CSC moved to coordinate an extensive restructuring
of the federal prison system. After taking a trip to Colorado in order to visit
the ADX Florence super-max isolation prison, CSC returned to implement
their improved ideas on incarceration, isolation, and prison labour. The implementation
of American Security Housing Unit (SHU) infrastructure is evident
in a financial consultation done in partnership with CSC and Deloitte Touche
Tohamatsu regarding the cost of building new prisons with SHU wings.
Following this trip, several pieces of legislation were changed, while new laws
await approval to transform the prison system’s legal framework. The elimination
of statutory release under Bill C-43, the suspension of pensions for
federal prisoners, and the axing of the two-for-one credit rule, all contribute
to a “tough on crime” attitude and subsequent overcrowding in prisons.
Bill C-25, the Truth in Sentencing Act, is a new law that will change more than just the
face of the courts. The bill intends to limit the credit a judge can grant for time served
by a prisoner before sentencing. Kevin Page, the Parliamentary Budget Officer, estimates
that this bill will result in an average addition of 159 days to sentences. With
the existing overcrowding in prisons, he predicts that this change in legislation will
require the construction of a dozen new prisons. All this interests the Budget Officer
because by 2015, the budget for corrections in Canada will need to increase from its
current $4.4 billion to $9.5 billion in order to manage the growth of prison populations.
In 2009, the CSC Transformation Team in charge of the sweeping restructuring
of the federal prison system gave their explanation for the budget increase. They
pointed out the need to “adjust interim capital plans to respond to potential population
increases associated with pending legislation.” This capital adjustment seems
to be what Craig Jones of the John Howard Society referred to when he stated
that CSC is on the verge of becoming “the largest building contractor in Canada.”
By fall 2010, CSC followed up on their “capital adjustments” by announcing
plans to expand 19 federal prisons at a cost of over $400 million. The planned
expansions total some 1,650 new beds between Mission, Kent, Ferndale, Matsqui,
Fraser Valley, and Regional Training Centre / Pacific Institutions in British
Columbia; Drumheller and Bowden Institutions in Alberta; Rockwood
and Stoney Mountain Institutions in Manitoba; Bath, Collins Bay and Millhaven
Institutions in Ontario; the Federal Training Centre, Montée St-François,
and Sainte-Anne-des-Plaines Institutions in Quebec; Renous and Dorchester
Institutions in New Brunswick; and Springhill Institution in Nova Scotia.
These federal prison expansions follow a similar provincial trend. The current
wave of provincial prison expansion started as far back as 2004. To date there are
at least 21 new facilities and 17 expansions that are at different stages of completion
from coast to coast (see: thevultures.info). The cost of construction for
these prisons is already above $2,829 billion; when these facilities become operational,
they will augment the capacity of provincial prisons by at least 6,514 beds.
We are now witnessing one of the largest prison restructurings in the history of
the Canadian state. From coast to coast, CSC ministers have carried out sweeping
reviews of the prison system, in partnership with architects and consultants of different
stripes, on both a provincial and federal level. Found in these reviews are the
concrete plans to transform Canada’s “correctional services” into a knock-off of the
American prison industrial complex. The CSC trip to ADX Florence Supermax and
the “cost estimate” of SHU prison wings carried out by Deloitte Touche Tohamatsu
only reinforces this direction in the transformation of the state’s correctional practice.
In the streets of Toronto a similar intensification of repression and harmonization
of Canada-US security took place. However, 19,000 security personnel with
a $1 billion budget were unable to defend Toronto’s social peace during the G20
meeting from the operative potential of a decentralized and anti-authoritarian
practice. On June 26th, hundreds of people broke away from a union march
and proceeded to attack police, burning three or four police cars, smashing several
other police and media vehicles, and trashing over 40 banks and corporate
storefronts along the way. Throughout the weekend, the police mass-arrested
over a thousand people, and made some strategic arrests of radicals with the

help of informants based out of Guelph and Kitchener, Ontario. A response
of solidarity actions and demonstrations took place from Quebec to Vancouver
(more info: againstprison.wordpress.com, snitchwire.blogspot.com). For updates
on the accused and their trials, check out abc-calgary.anarchistservices.ca.
In the meantime, summer was just as active in the belly of the state’s prisons. Inmates
revolted from within their cages in diverse forms and with differing amounts of participation.
Twenty prisoners in New Brunswick started a riot. In Ontario, around
70 inmates collectively refused to obey the guards and return to their cells. In Manitoba,
11 inmates ransacked their cages (more info: againstprison.wordpress.com).
The reality in prisons today is not always so vibrant. Daily expressions of violence, humiliation,
and abuse come from both the staff and inmates of these institutions. Prisoners
stab each other, guards fire off shots, and riot squads are called in to control situations.
At least four people died in prison this summer from the end of July to mid October;
some of these deaths took place while pushing back against the jailers and their jails.
On July 21st, two people died from smoke inhalation and eight were incapacitated after
14 prisoners refused to return to their cells, fought the guards, and lit fire to a mattress
and some clothing at Orsainville Jail in Quebec. They were killed when the guards fled
the riot, locking up the F-Wing of the prison along with the inmates, fire, and smoke.
It took 55 minutes for the paramedics to arrive after the first sounding of the fire
alarm and another hour for the first ambulance to ferry the injured to local hospitals.
Others have chosen to act in kind with the riot at Orsainville and turn their frustration
against the ones who jail them. In August, a prisoner in the Central Nova Scotia Detention
Centre decided to turn the shiv against the jailer, sending the screw to a hospital
with a stab wound to the stomach. Prison guards in Manitoba and Nova Scotia
have been issued puncture-proof vests after an elevated level of riot and stabbings.
On the outside, anti-prison activity turned New Year’s Eve 2009-2010 into
an expression of solidarity with the struggle against prison, as a noise demonstration
took place outside of the Hamilton-Wentworth Detention Centre
in Ontario on the last day of an international hunger strike carried out by anarchist
prisoners. In April and July, noise demonstrations took place against
prisons and in solidarity with social combatants outside of the Vanier Centre
for Women and the Maplehurst Correctional Complex. Another demonstration
at the Hamilton-Wentworth Detention Centre also took place in July,
in solidarity with the hunger strike of prisoners in Korydallos prison in Greece.

In Kingston, Ontario, a campaign was fought against the sale of prison-farm cattle, the
closing of the federal prison farm program, and the expansion/ restructuring of the
prison system. In June, hundreds marched to the CSC regional headquarters to protest
this stage of the prison system’s transformation. Then in late July, demonstrators
blockaded CSC headquarters. The herd of cows were auctioned off in August and,
after a two-day blockade at the Collins Bay Institution and 24 arrests, the cows were
driven away on trucks, giving way to the redevelopment of the prison grounds. Today,
former prison farm workers repair Canadian military vehicles at the Frontenac Institution
and prospective developers are bidding on the federal expansion of Collins Bay.
In August, following the deaths at Orsainville, it was made clear once more that
fire is not just the weapon of the jailer. A new police station under construction in
Guelph, Ontario was set on fire. The blaze was quickly extinguished, but caused
close to $500,000 in damage, set the development back 6 to 8 months, and showed us
that no amount of police infiltration can stifle the potential of decentralized attacks.
Within the past handful of years, decentralized and clandestine tactics
have been used more and more by those seeking to attack the ones responsible
for their exploitation. Those who target collaborators in the prison
system or other forms of authority have taken it upon themselves to
vandalise and burn corporate and state property, from banks to government offices,
from police vehicles to construction equipment, from Vancouver to Halifax.

Anti-prison agitators are also making efforts to move their
activity beyond the veil of night actions in an attempt to communicate
and share struggle with prisoners. On August 10th, also known as
Prisoner Justice Day ever since prisoners at Millhaven Institution issued a
call-out and staged a one-day hunger strike in 1976 in order to remember
those who died in prison, prisoners across the country carry out collective acts of
resistance. This year, noise demonstrations took place outside prisons in Kitchener,
Hamilton, and Montreal, and in several prisons, like the Toronto East Detention
Centre, hundreds refused to eat for the day or participate in programs. In some prisons,
inmates also wore t-shirts with upside-down Canadian flags and hands grasping prison
bars across it, in protest of the conditions in the state’s prisons. These efforts to share struggle
with prisoners must gain momentum in order for us to develop a necessary base of
communication that can make ongoing solidarity a possibility.

This possibility only increases with the overwhelming incarceration of less desirable parts of society.
Two days after Prisoner Justice Day, officials in British Columbia rounded up 492 Tamil refugees and
locked them up in several prisons, like the Burnaby Youth Custody Prison and the Fraser Regional Correctional
Centre. Noise demonstrations outside the prison in Burnaby have been a regular occurrence in response to this repression.
The state’s policies on immigration and its “tough on crime” legislation only serve to fill existing prisons well beyond capacity. Even with the overall decline
in police-reported crime in most jurisdictions since 1991, and the overall decrease in the severity of police-reported crime between 1998 and 2008, both
federal and provincial governments continue to expand and restructure their prison infrastructure amidst what they call a fiscal crisis.
By 2015, the federal government intends to double the budget for corrections and add to it the security budget for the G8 and G20. They have introduced
new taxes and austerity measures, while building the prisons they intend us to fill when we can no longer pay the bills. The state, architects, developers and
company are sucking up ever-increasing profits off of mass incarceration and prison labour. This is a major reason for the expansion of the prison system
in times of economic and social instability: to extend the most stable industry and repressive capabilities the state has at its disposal, as a capitalist amongst
capitalists.
Prisons have not and will not make our lives any safer. This accelerated “tough on crime” transformation of correctional practices and expansion of the
slave-labour economy only shows us that the state is more inclined to restructure itself in order to wage war on its citizens than it is to protect us. These
are the conditions under which we live, and against which we should struggle. It’s up to us to create the means to defend ourselves; by developing a practice
of solidarity we’ll learn to exercise our power and gain ground in our struggles. The state and capitalists have already shown us their cards and thrown in
their chips; it’s time we see their bid and raze them out of the game.

Taken from “Reading The Riot Act” (Anvil Press, Vancouver, 2005)

In his official dispatches, Warden W.H. Cooper liked to use the french word emuete, meaning uprising or riot, to describe disturbances in the British Columbia Penitentiary. Following forced retirement from his position as head of the Vancouver relief department for untoward behaviour in 1928, Cooper had returned to the job as warden in 1932. On his watch, riots were soon to become a common subject of discussion both in New Westminster and Ottawa.

In General, prisons are instruments in the class war. The poor are disproportionately represented, as are Aboriginals. This means that the prison population is poorly educated, underemployed, in poor mental and physical health – in other words, marginalized. As outsiders, prisoners have literally nothing left to lose, yet they organize into effective and powerful prisoner’s rights groups to negotiate with determination and fortitude for their basic human rights. It is only when they perceive that the social code in which they believe strongly has completely broken down, i.e., legitimate demands with respect to human rights and dignity are not respected, that violent confrontation ensues. Prisoners are humans, with all the basic rights that humans are entitled to. They have committed crimes and have accepted their punishment, but in no way do they give up their essential humanity, which is so often denied them in this enactment of capitalism’s penultimate sanction for faulty participation. It is an example of one class of people being oppressed by the agents of capital.

On September 1st, 1934, seven prisoners refused the work they had been assigned in the mailbag room and were promptly marched back to their cells. Cooper put it down to a desire for more comfortable conditions, but The New Westminster Columbian newspaper added the claim that the convicts wanted wages for their labour in addition to improvements in the lives of men doing hard time in the B.C. Pen. Despite quick action by the warden, protests did not stop; in fact they grew. By the tenth of September, The Columbian reported seventy-eight prisoners were refusing to go to work (the warden claimed it was only seventy-three). They could be heard clearly from outside the prison, shouting over and over “wages, wages, wages.” This, as well as hurling torrents of abuse at the prisoners who chose to work, went on for three days. The warden reported 182 broken windows, 6 smashed toilets, and many broken tables, chairs and beds. The ringleaders were paddled, though the number of times is not mentioned. Beginning on January 1st, 1935, the federal government ordered that convicts who worked should be paid five cents per diem. This was the first riot in the almost sixty-year history of the B.C. Pen, but not it’s last. Although riots were infrequent events, on the inside, they were momentous occasions directly echoing events on the outside.

“…prisons are the way we deal with our poor, our minority groups, and our unemployed, we tolerate them at our peril.” – Clare Culhane, No Longer Barred From Prison

On April 20th, 1963, three prisoners were seen trying to escape through the auditorium windows by a guard patrolling with a dog. When the convicts refused to stop, he fired three shots. The prisoners replied by throwing homemade Molotov cocktails at both the guard and the dog. The light bulbs, filled with gasoline, exploded but missed the target. One of the inmates was badly burned when his cocktail exploded in his face. The three prisoners then retreated into the auditorium, where they took a guard hostage and locked themselves in with fifteen other prisoners who had been left on the premises when the action started. One volunteered to act as doorman. The hostage-takers’ first demand was to call in television personality, talk-show host, and self-proclaimed defender of the little guy, Jack Webster, to negotiate on their behalf. For Webster’s part, his best hope for any solution seemed to be that the prisoners would swallow too much “bug juice”, the liquid tranquilizer supplied by the prison doctor as demanded, and nod off. Unfortunately for him, the prisoners could read and noticed the little warning on the bottle that taking too many could cause drowsiness. Some of the prisoners outside the auditorium refused to return to their cells and began wandering around breaking windows and smashing anything they could, in addition to starting fires, while the guards set about securing the rest of the prison.

The RCMP riot squad and troops from Canadian Forces Base Chilliwack were called in to restore order. Wearing gas masks and firing tear gas canisters, they managed to get all but the hostage takers back to their cells. The three were still holding the guard, meeting with Webster in the washroom of the auditorium and preparing for an attack. The prisoners, referring to Warden Hall and the guards as Nazis, seemed to fear doing time in “the hole” more than anything else and in the end their only demand was that they be transferred out of the Pen, a request which was granted for all three. Unfortunately no change was made to either the use or condition of the hole.

In June of 1970, a twelve-member parliamentary justice committee condemned the B.C. Pen as “ancient, medieval, outmoded and ill-equipped.” After the death of an inmate in August of the same year, about three hundred prisoners – dissatisfied with the official report of cause of death – refused to return to their cells after exercise and began throwing rocks and recreation equipment- such as horseshoes and baseball bats – at the guards. Some officers were hit and the windshields of police cars parked outside were smashed. The convicts charged the ten-foot-high fence and lit fires. More than two hundred guards and police were called in, while troops stood by on full alert in Chilliwack. The prisoners were demanding an end to skin searches and they wanted to be able to appear before the justice committee to air their complaints about the Pen and it’s notorious “hole.” At three the next morning, the riot squad went into action, tossing tear gas canisters into the yard, forcing about two hundred inmates into their cells. The rest had backed up to the wall to avoid the gas and had to be subdued with blasts of water from high pressure hoses.

On the following Sunday, a Yippie-sponsored protest march from Queen’s Park in New Westminster loudly demonstrated in support of the prisoners and tossed cigarettes, candies and other goodies over the fence, including a Brazilian book on guerrilla resistance tactics.

The Columbian reported on Saturday October 6th, 1973, that a ten-hour rebellion with much attendant damage had been quelled.  Apparently, the incident was over the resignation of the recently formed Inmates Committee, which was supposed to be able to take inmate complaints directly to the penitentiary director, the new name for the warden. The guards were also unhappy , but blamed overcrowding, requesting that the population be reduced to four hundred and fifty from six hundred.

These two complaints were only the tip of the proverbial iceberg. Escapes and hostage takings were on the rise, highlighting a sharp division between corrections officers (guards) and classification officers (social workers) about the way prisoners should be treated. This also mirrored the public debate as to whether prisoners retained basic human rights upon their incarceration.

The June 9th, 1975 hostage-taking by three inmates and the subsequent killing of classification officer Mary Steinhauser, which occurred when marksmen stormed the vault  where the prisoners were barricaded, placed the debate back on the front pages. In the negotiation phase of the hostage taking, two unusual demands, in addition to the ever-popular request for drugs, were made. The original demand was to be flown to Algeria, the site of exile Black Panther Eldridge Cleaver. The inmates also wanted a member of the Communist Party of Canada Marxist-Leninist wing included on the negotiation team. As the coroner’s jury pointed out, the main cause of the action was the fear on the part of the inmates spending anymore time in the “hole.”Or, as one of the hostage-takers put it, “going back to solitary confinement was a 100% chance of ending up dead…taking hostages was a 95% chance of dying and a 5% chance of getting out.”

“Canada doesn’t have to execute people anymore, just sentence them to neglect.” – Allan Fotheringham, Maclean’s, October 18th, 1976

In 1974, nine inmates from the B.C. Pen launched a suit against the Crown on the grounds that confinement in “the hole”  was cruel  and unusual punishment and contrary to the Canadian Bill of Rights. The administration’s name for the hole (AKA the Penthouse or the Fraserview Hilton) was the Special Correction Unit (SCU), which had been built in 1963 on the roof of Cell Block B-7 to replace the old hole in the basement of the prison. The four tiers of eleven cells each were used for three different types of “dissociation” – punitive, administrative (i.e. failure to cooperate), or very rarely, voluntary, and protective for men who could not enter the general population. In practice, other than radio library and canteen privileges which could be enjoyed away from other inmates, all privileges were denied: no hobbies, no television, no movies, no workshops, little or no exercise, and closed visits.

“When laws seriously encroach on human rights, they should be violated.” – Howard Zinn, Disobedience and Democracy

The punitive cells on “F” tier, where prisoners were placed for punishment, measured six-foot-six by eleven-feet-two inches deep, with grey painted concrete walls broken only by a solid steel door complete with a six-inch square security window. The bed was a four inch thick concrete riser covered with a sheet of plywood and a four inch thick foam mattress. Prisoners were supplied with a foam pillow, two blankets and two sheets. The bedding, including the mattress, was removed during the day. Each cell had a combination sink and toilet,  an air vent for heat and ventilation and a radio speak. There was no volume or temperature control available to the inmates. A recessed light in the ceiling burned twenty-four hours per day, with a 116-watt bulb during the day and twenty-five watts at night. Prisoners were also required to sleep with their heads toward the door, thus near the toilet bowl for security reasons. The longest consecutive time spent in the hole was 754 days. This has been compared to “being buried alive in an all-steel pressure cooker.”

No reason needed to be given for punitive dissociation and many activist prisoners who were considered “trouble makers” ended up on the roof. The prisoners thought that the administration, as one of them testified, “was killing us mentally, not physically.” An expert defense witness, a criminologist, said, “it is a form of murder.” Another described the hole as “a tomb within a tomb.”

Mr. Justice Herald of the Supreme Court of Canada agreed with the prisoners and held that the hole was indeed cruel and unusual punishment and contrary to the Bill of Rights, but refused to act on the second part of the suit and issue an order compelling the director to act on his findings. Soon after the ruling was handed down, the director of the B.C. Penitentiary announced that the “Penthouse” would be immediately modified to fuction within the court ruling, but dissociation in the new Super Maximum Security Unit (SMSU) would continue. And continue it did, with dire consequences.

“The B.C. Pen ‘Comes Down” – Vancouver Sun

In the summer of 1967, 380 of the 450 prisoners housed in the B.C. Pen joined a twenty four hour nationwide hunger strike with the newfound support of prisoner’s rights groups acting on the outside, to protest solitary confinement. Meanwhile the ban by guards was met by the director of the Pen, who declared a twelve-day state of emergency, entitling him to order the unionized guards to work overtime. The guards, members of the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC), had a list of twenty-four demands, including cutting back on inmate recreation time, open visits, and the institution of surprise searches. Though their union, the guards also put everyone on notice that they would run the institution as they saw fit and if that meant more lock-up time for inmates, then so be it.

The complete list was characterized as non-negotiable and contained conditions that could only have one outcome. That was the infamous B.C. Pen Riot, which had been promised for nearly thirty years. The prisoners would later claim that they had accomplished in twelve hours what the Federal Government couldn’t do in fifty years.

Tensions between guards and prisoners were escalating. The Inmate Committee had spent the previous two months in a letter writing campaign with over a hundred letters going to Ottawa with no response. Included was a letter to The Vancouver Sun signed by over two-hundred B.C. Pen prisoners asking that Security (PSAC guards) be placed outside the fence with whatever weaponry they deemed necessary to prevent escapes, so long as they were moved out of the inner operations of the prison. This would thus reduce the danger they were exposed to, the overtime they were forced to work and the turmoil they used to justify their position. Sometime during the third week in September, the Inmate Committee passed notes on two consecutive shifts asking for a meeting to try and work things out. The prisoners felt the mostly older, hard-line guards had prevented any negotiations by intimidating sympathetic guards into remaining quiet. No such meeting ever took place.

Writing of the Criminal Justice System “…it works systematically not to punish and confine the dangerous and criminal, but to punish and confine the poor who are dangerous and criminal.” Jeffery H. Reimer, The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison

Shortly after three on September 27th, 1976, as prisoners were being let out of their cells for showers, they overan the 240-cell East Wing and began to destroy the cell block, tearing out bars, wedging open doors and forcing guards to evacuated the area and attempt to contain the riot to this one section. At about seven in the evening, ten inmates invaded the kitchen and took two guards hostage. As the inmates smashed everything they could, the rest of the prison, including the hole, was relatively quiet. The final tally would include twenty-five of ninety-five cells in the North Wing destroyed, fifty of 110 in B-7 destroyed and two hundred in the East Block destroyed.

The newly formed Citizen’s Advisory Committee was to receive its first test. A small group of appointed politicians, lawyers, criminologists, and journalists all interested in prison reform issues were joined by prison reform activist Clare Culhane. As many of the nine-member group as could be contacted were called to the prison to serve as intermediaries between the Inmates Committee – who now controlled most of the penitentiary – and the Administration. In all, six were able to attend. Meanwhile, two six-man RCMP tactical squads of sharp shooters were moved into position. They were joined by thirty eight riot squad officers and others were to follow.

The inmates initially demanded dexedrine for themselves and tranquilizers for the hostages. They were adamant that the Citizen’s Advisory Committee be present, as they desperately watched to avoid a repeat of the Mary Steinhauser hostage-taking incident. This was to be the first time ever for a group of citizens to take an active role during an actual crisis. The next day, Clare Culhane was forced to resign from the Citizen’s Advisory Committee and she agreed in order to allow negotiations to begin. Culhane was at odds with the rest of those on the committee who were present. They refused to issue a statement outlining some of the horrors they had seen on the guided tour the Inmate Committee had taken them on when they first entered the prison after the riot. The most contentious issue appeared to be the guards venting their rage by hosing down SMSU prisoners, depriving them of food, clothing, and heat. Eventually, male members of the CAC were allowed upstairs to view conditions in the hole with the IC, where they observed several inches of water on the cell floors and prisoners in their underwear or naked.

At least twice during the incident, the CAC was advised to leave the area as security was going to be restored by troops and police with clubs and tear gas. Their refusal to back down probably prevented loss of life, as certainly many prisoners would had said they were ready to die.

Shortly before six in the morning, the Inmates Committee issued a statement blaming the administration and guards for failing to meet with them and resolve outstanding issues, particularly around segregation of inmates. Meanwhile, heavily armed troops from CFB Chilliwack began to take up positions around the prison parimeter. Late the next day prisoners released one hostage in a show of good faith and in order to be allowed to meet with the media and publicize their grievances. Bad food, poor programs, and guards who resisted change and provoked confrontation to back up their contract demands headed the list. The Inmate Committee wanted to be able to meet with prisoners in the SMSU or hole at the prisoners’ request or be allowed a weekly interview in order to ensure the prisoners being held in administrative dissociation were being treated properly. Mail tampering would be stopped, the inmate committee would be allowed to continue, transfers would be granted and there would be no reprisals. The media was allowed to visit what was essentially a demolition site with a hand painted “under new managament” sign in red on bed sheets that had been hung from the bars. Another banner hung on the bars read “Solidarity.” According to Clare Culhane,  this was never mentioned in any media report.

The Inmate Committee and the Citizen’s Advisory Committee continued to negotiate with the deputy director and his team. Talks continued until 3 a.m. Thursday, when a partial breakthrough was announced; however, it was not until one the next morning when a nine-point agreement was reached, bringing an end to the riot. Early on the morning of October 2nd, 1976, the members of the Citizens Advisory Council left the B.C. Pen.

Three days later, an open letter was released by the Commissioner of Penitentiaries stating that it was up to the “Canadian Penitentiary Service discretion whether the so-called Agreement is to be honoured in full, or in part, or at all.” Not much later CAC was gutted, becoming than an extension of the John Howard Society, a prisoner advocacy group.

The East Wing was to be partially repaired at a cost of $500,000, in order to bring the population back up to 412 from the 316 it had been since the end of the riot. The next summer, there were hunger strikes protesting the lack of open visitation and the conditions in the hole, but never again would there be a riot of these proprtions in the B.C. Pen, as it would cease operation in 1980.

One of the last incidents at the B.C Pen involved a hostage-taking which ended up with two of the hostages being charged as accomplices. The two women were acquitted, with the crux of the court case resting on the right or obligation of prisoners to use any means available to escape solitary confinement, which had been declared cruel and unusual punishment and a violation of the Canadian Bill of Rights.

The last word on the riot belongs to one of the hostage takers at his sentencing hearing, at which he blamed guards demanding better pay and job security for the riot. Refusing to prepare a defence he declared, “When inmates in a prison can no longer negotiate peacefully to have their complaints and grievances heard by Ottawa and the public, then they will do it violently because they know you understand violence.”